Author Archive for Emilia Liz



03
Mar

Marriage Immigration Fraud

Several years ago I was casually dating a man from Colombia named Carlos*. On our second date, he raised the topic of matrimony. I was a bit surprised; barely two weeks of knowing one another seemed a bit early for him to basically propose to me. Many other girls might be flattered or even elated if they received a proposal so soon in the relationship. However, while I was attracted to Carlos and was indeed considering a future with him, I suspected he might have ulterior motives for bringing up marriage on our second meeting. Carlos was in Canada on a visitor’s visa. As he explained it, there were three ways he could stay in this country: by obtaining refugee status (which he ultimately did), staying here illegally and working under the table, or marrying a Canadian. Needless to say, I did not marry him.

Though I did not become an example of it, my experience with Carlos got me interested in the subject of marriage fraud. Marriage fraud is defined as the act of marrying an individual with the sole purpose of immigrating to or obtaining permanent status in his or her country of residence and lying about the true purpose of the marriage (i.e. pretending to be in love with him or her). Marriage fraud should be distinguished from marriage of convenience, where both parties agree to get married in order to help one of them immigrate but where there is no intent to deceive the other (a la Andie MacDowell and Gerard Depardieu in the film Green Card).

The most famous case of (probable) marriage fraud is perhaps that of African-American writer Terry McMillan and Jonathan Plummer. At the age of 42, McMillan took a trip to Jamaica and there met Plummer, then twenty. After marrying him and bringing him to the United States, she wrote a semi-autobiographical novel about her experience entitled How Stella Got Her Groove Back, which was later made into a movie with Angela Bassett in the lead role. The marriage ended a decade later when Plummer revealed he was gay. He claimed to have discovered his homosexuality only on coming to the States, but McMillan asserted he knew of it all along and merely used her to get a green card. Personally, I strongly believe McMillan’s explanation to be the more likely one – though as a gay man his desire to leave Jamaica was somewhat understandable given the extensive homophobia in that nation and though maybe McMillan should have wondered why, gay or not, a man half her age in a developing country would be so eager to walk down the aisle with her.

Away from the limelight, marriage fraud has recently become an issue in Canada as well. The Toronto Sun ran an article in 2006 about a Canadian woman who married a Cuban man, only to have him abandon her three months after he received his permanent residency and social insurance number in this country. She would moreover be legally obliged to reimburse the government for any welfare costs he might incur. A local Toronto Chinese daily featured a story on a woman whom many in the community suspected of marrying her now-deceased husband solely to enter Canada. Many marriage fraud incidents involve the South Asian community. The situation among them is further complicated by the fact that a considerable proportion of their marriages are arranged by family members, so it may be even more difficult for them to gauge their would-be spouse’s true intentions if he or she lives outside Canada.

Now some people have said “enough.” A number of organizations with names like Stopmarriagefraud.ca, the Canadian Marriage Fraud Victim Society, and Canadians Against Immigration Fraud have formed to combat fraudulent marriages. They have received support from British Columbia Member of Legislative Assembly Raj Chouhan. Their premise: that Canada’s immigration system makes it too easy for people abroad to wed Canadians just to get a foothold in this country. For instance, the husband or wife of a Canadian citizen is provided with permanent residency papers immediately upon arriving here. Anti-marriage fraud groups suggest that Canada instead adopt a similar framework to that in the United States and Australia, whereby foreign spouses of nationals must wait three years before they can become permanent residents. If the marriage dissolved before the end of that period, barring hard cases such as domestic violence the spouse would be deported to his or her homeland, and obviously the Canadian partner would not be on the hook financially for him or her.

As a would-be victim of marriage fraud myself, I look at these organizations’ sites regularly and have even contributed to one of them (Stopmarriagefraud.ca). Some of them admittedly raise a few questions in my mind. For example, one states that the majority of Canadian-foreigner marriages involve deceit but provides no data to show this. The danger in making unsubstantiated claims is that when they are found to have no basis in fact they can cause the whole movement to lose credibility. They end up making the writer of the claim at issue (in this case, that most marriages with non-Canadians are shams) look irrational. As a result some readers might dismiss the existence of genuine marriage fraud entirely. I also have reservations about the wisdom of automatically deporting suspected marriage fraudsters. Deportation is not always practical: some individuals with deportation orders against them simply fail to show up at the immigration office and go into hiding. On the other hand, lengthening the period required to obtain permanent residence from zero to three years does not appear unreasonable. If the marriage ends before that time, the foreign partner should perhaps not be deported but nor should be entitled to alimony from his or her former spouse or to welfare from the public purse. This might ultimately push some fraudulent husbands and wives to go back to their home country if they knew they could not receive any financial assistance in Canada. Finally, these sites do an important job in raising awareness about the problem of marriage fraud.

* Pseudonym.

29
Feb

Book Review: Showing our Colors

One of the first challenges to the idea of black intellectual inferiority came from a German study. Authored by psychologist Klaus Eyferth and published in the 1959 edition of the journal Vita Humana (now Human Development), the study compared the intelligence of two groups of children born in Germany to local women and American soldiers. The first group, however, was sired by white GIs, while the second had black fathers. If the former children proved to be more intelligent than the latter, then white supremacists could make the argument that blacks were indeed genetically inferior to whites, at least in terms of intellectual ability. But no such luck: the two groups’ test scores were indistinguishable. The study was, as expected, vilified by proponents of racial inequality (prompting one commentator to note that left wingers were not the only ones to dislike race research), but it was accepted by the scientific community and, more importantly, replicated by other researchers who reached the same conclusions.

I first read of this study in my first-year psychology class. The existence of a black community in Germany was news to me. But I soon learned that the offspring of black GIs were not the only people of mixed African descent in that country. Germany at one time possessed a number of colonies in Africa, including modern-day Tanzania, Cameroon, Togo and Namibia. Some natives of those places immigrated to Germany, where they established relationships with the locals and produced mixed-race children. In addition, biracial children were born to Germans and immigrants from African countries never under Germany’s control. Until recently, though, I had never come across any first-hand accounts by mixed-race Germans themselves. That is, until I discovered Showing Our Colors: Afro-German Women Speak Out at a small Toronto bookstore.

Showing Our Colors is edited by three women: May Opitz, an Afro-German speech therapist and poet; Katharina Oguntoye, a feminist historian of German and Nigerian background, and Dagmar Schultz, a white woman and publishing house editor. Translated from the German Farbe bekennen, the book contains a history of German imperialism in Africa and of blacks (and mixed-race people) in Germany as well as their portrayal by white society. The English version includes a foreword by the late poet Audre Lorde, who met a number of Afro-German women during a stay in Berlin. The book’s principal attraction, however, lies in the first-hand accounts by fourteen women of mixed black and German descent.

As the editors state in the introduction, the contributors have little in common besides their blackness. The women differ in their sexual orientation (most are heterosexual, but a few are lesbians), educational and professional experience, country of residence (at the time of the book’s publication, what is now Germany consisted of two nations, east and west), and connection with their black heritage. They also trace their ancestry to different sources. Some have a parent directly from Africa, whereas others were born to black Americans, usually GIs. In general, the women with African-born parents have had more contact with their black relatives than did the daughters of African Americans. In addition, almost all the contributors have black fathers and white mothers, except for a seventeen-year-old woman with an Afro-German mother and Italian father and the twenty-three-year-old daughter of an Afro-German woman and Ghanaian man.

Few of the women profiled in Showing Our Colors claim an exclusively black identity. Perhaps because they live in Germany, speak German as their first language, and in some cases have had little contact with other blacks, even their own family members, the women largely identify as German or, at most, as mulatto. One woman, for instance, who was raised by a white single mother, begins her account with “I’m German, and I’m dark.” According to a forty-two-year-old nurse, people who tell her she is lucky to live in Germany do not understand that “I’m German and don’t belong anywhere else.”

The contributors’ tendency to identify more with their German than black side in some instances stems from their inability to integrate into a black community. While they rarely faced rejection or discrimination from blacks as they sometimes did from their fellow Germans (on the contrary, one contributor states that her African boyfriend’s family put her on a pedestal because of what they perceived as her “whiteness”), they often felt that they could never become part of black society. In the case of those who traced their descent directly to Africa, sometimes cultural barriers were too great an obstacle to overcome. One woman, for example, became distressed at what she saw as women’s subservient role in her father’s native Ethiopia. The woman whose boyfriend’s family idolized her supposed whiteness explains that when she was called “white lady” at a beach in Liberia, she realized that in Africa she would always be considered an “other,” even if a privileged “other.” She decided that Germany was her home after all.

Showing Our Colors does not address the question of race mixing per se but rather the lives of African-descended individuals in what was until recently a fairly monoracial country. Nonetheless, given that all the women featured here are in fact biracial, they offer a number of insights into the mixed race experience. One of the first contributors, a sixty-seven-year-old woman who lived through the Third Reich and narrowly escaped sterilization (a procedure mandated by the Nazis for non-“Aryans”), says that when asked once whether she minded being a mulatto, she replied, “No… what I have already experienced because of my background you will never experience in your entire life.” Another woman, forty at the time, tells of having reconciled herself to the “white part of me.” A couple of the younger contributors, though, speak of feeling alienated from both sides of their heritage at some point in their lives. For example, at a younger age one woman “hated mixed marriages, since we children have to live our lives always between two stools.” Another was disappointed that her physical features were not “black” enough.

The contributors not only faced the issue of race mixing in the context of their family background but in their own marriages and sexual relationships. The first woman profiled, the sixty-seven-year-old Third Reich survivor, married a white man. Many of her friends could not understand how she could do so in light of the oppression she and her family had experienced from white society. She always answered that she had no objection to marrying a white man provided he was a “decent person.” She describes herself and her husband as “happy grandparents” whose lives do not differ fundamentally from their contemporaries. Some of the younger women are less sanguine about their relationships with white men. The forty-two-year-old nurse, for example, considers some white men “racist exploiters” and recounts having left a white boyfriend herself after he told her “A model or stewardess I can have any time, but not a Black woman.” She and several other contributors imply that some of their white lovers were interested in them not as individuals but as members of the black race.

Other women formed relationships with black rather than white men (as well, one contributor had a brief affair with a black GI but later married a white German). Sometimes circumstance rather than race was the major factor in their choice of partner. The older sister of the sixty-seven-year-old Third Reich survivor, for instance, married a countryman of her father, but rejection of white men did not seem to play a part in her decision. Some contributors admit to other reasons for preferring black over white men. A young woman abandoned by her American soldier father and raised by her white mother says that for many Afro-German women the “search for a father and the search for Black men often converged.” With regard to herself, she adds that “I never wanted a white boyfriend; blackness and being a man went together… once I realized that, I wanted to get to know my father.”

Some women profiled say that their white mothers, or mother substitutes, did not know how to deal with the racism their daughters faced in white society. For example, one woman describes how her mother refused to discuss problems like racism with her and thus failed to prepare her for the outside world. Another contributor who lived with her African father and his Jewish wife states that her stepmother, having lived as a Jew in the Nazi era, had adopted an attitude of “whatever you do, don’t be conspicuous” and was not willing to “go to bat” for her stepdaughter. On the other hand, the father would not let anyone get away with mistreating his daughter.

The contributors to express differing opinions on various issues. One example has to do with the role of blacks in German films. After Germany’s loss of its African colonies, coupled with its defeat in World War II, German filmmakers tried to re-ignite the spark of national pride by making movies that portrayed the country’s glory days as a colonial power. Many Africans and Afro-Germans were hired as actors and extras on the sets. The two sisters who lived through the Nazi era speak fondly of their small parts in these movies, noting that they had the opportunity to meet other people of African descent as well as earn extra money. The forty-two-year-old nurse, on the other hand, who herself acted on stage as a child, is more critical of the roles offered to Africans in the cinema and theatre. In her view, “the movie scene was not all that nice… either you play the naked wild man or woman, or servants’ roles.”

Some of the limitations of Showing Our Colors? The book primarily profiles the daughters of black fathers and white mothers. It might be interesting to see whether the lives of children born to white fathers and black mothers differed in any way from that of the present contributors. The editors can hardly be faulted for the omission: though many German colonizers in Africa sired offspring by local women, most of these children remained with their mothers and never went to Germany.

Showing Our Colors’ strength lies in its first-hand presentation of the lives of biracial individuals in a largely monoracial European country. Of course the experience of these women might not be identical to that of mixed race women in a multiracial society such as the United States. But Showing Our Colors is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand the multiracial experience in Europe.

11
Feb

Colliding Freedoms: The Adhan in Oxford

The city of Oxford, England is currently embroiled in a controversy. The question: should the muezzin (sort of Muslim equivalent of a Christian sexton) of a local mosque be permitted to broadcast the Adhan (Islamic call to prayer) three times daily over a loudspeaker? The debate has heated up in the United Kingdom itself and abroad. In the minds of some individuals, the public call to prayer is part of Muslims’ freedom of worship. Others - including one Jewish columnist - claim instead that it amounts to an unacceptable imposition on Britain’s majority Christian culture. The matter is now before Oxford’s City Council.

I would probably oppose the Adhan on purely aesthetic grounds. Loud, overpowering human voices bother me. This has nothing to do with Islam per se: as a practising Christian I find street corner evangelists shouting “Repent and be saved” at the top of their lungs equally irritating. The difference is that beyond some one hundred metres the sound of street preachers tends to fade into nothingness, whereas the voice of a muezzin on an amplifier would be heard over a much wider radius, including areas like residential neighbourhoods where Christian preachers generally do not operate.

People on both sides of the issue have compared the muezzin’s call to the chiming of Christian church bells. Though this may be a matter of personal taste, I don’t find church bells particularly intrusive. In fact, in downtown Toronto the bells from the nearby cathedrals often play some rather pretty tunes, in my opinion. Of course over my nearly forty years in Canada I’ve become attuned to the sound of such chimes; perhaps I might regard them as mere noise pollution if I were moving here from a non-Christian majority country.

The argument that the Adhan should not be allowed because Britain is a “Christian” country strikes me as less convincing. True, the UK is a Christian nation in that the bulk of its inhabitants identify at least nominally with Christianity, albeit with different denominations. Britain has a state religion, the Church of England (Anglican). However, freedom of worship is guaranteed by British law, and in this respect Anglicans and Christians in general enjoy no advantage over followers of other faiths. It also seems somewhat ironic that some commentators speak of Muslims “imposing” themselves on Britain when as a former colonial power that nation did not hesitate to foist its customs on the peoples it conquered. (Here I’m not singling out Britain; most other Western European countries, such as my father’s native Italy, have a history of colonialism as well.)

On the other hand, freedom of religion has its limits; it cannot infringe on the rights of others. Courts in the United States, for instance, have on occasion stepped in when Christian Scientists have attempted to deny their children medical care on religious grounds. The situation in Oxford is not quite as dramatic, but it might be argued that if the muezzin’s call is overly loud and disturbs residents’ right to peace and quiet, it should not be permitted. Hopefully the City Council of Oxford, in consultation with the citizens, will make a good decision.

08
Feb

Roy Campanella

Roy CampanellaOne of the more famous figures of American sports history was Roy Campanella. “Campy,” as he was known, served as catcher for the Brooklyn Dodgers from 1948 to 1957. He also boasted an impressive batting average. But his spectacular career as a baseball player was cut short in 1958 when a car accident left him permanently paralyzed. However, Campanella later returned to the Dodgers - who had since relocated to Los Angeles - as a coach. A picture of him in 1980 shows him seated in a wheelchair instructing the team’s rookie catchers. Roy Campanella died in 1993 at the age of seventy-one.
During the lifetime Roy Campanella wore many hats: as a baseball player, liquor store owner, coach, and disabled person who succeeded despite the odds. My interest in Campanella, however, lies in another aspect of the man: his biracial heritage and specifically his Italian ancestry. While Campanella’s mother was black, his father, a fruit vendor in Philadelphia, hailed from Sicily, an island off the south of Italy. I remember when I saw a picture of Roy Campanella my first thought was “He looks so Italian!” He had tightly curled hair and dark skin, but his facial features were, in my opinion, very Italian. He would not have looked out of place in Palermo (my father’s birthplace) or Rome.

Before I go on, I want to dispel any suspicion that I am trying to “steal” Roy Campanella from the black community the way some white supremacists have sought to attribute Martin Luther King’s success to his partial Caucasian ancestry (one such supremacist called King an “intelligent mulatto”). For example, Campanella began his baseball career in what were then known as the Negro Leagues; at the time, blacks and whites could not play on the same team. Given the so-called “one-drop rule,” American society undoubtedly considered Campanella black.

Another thing that placed Campanella in the black rather than Italian world may have been the fact his mother, not father, was black. In the book The Color Complex, authors Kathy Russell, Midge Wilson and Ronald Hall state that ethnic culture is generally transmitted through mothers rather than fathers. As a child, Campanella attended a black Baptist church with his mother, even though his father was a Roman Catholic.
Nonetheless, Campanella did not deny his Italian heritage, and he often acknowledged it with his characteristic quick wit. When spectators at a game once called him a “nigger,” he replied, “Hey, you know I’m a dago too.” I admit a certain pride in knowing that “Campy,” one of the greatest baseball players of all time, was in a way “one of my own.”

On the Internet there is a site dedicated to famous Sicilians (www.sicilianculture.com). Among the celebrities profiled is singer Lou Bega (best known for the 1999 hit “Mambo No. Five”), who like Campanella is of mixed black and Italian descent. It pleased me to see that at least some Sicilians are welcoming their mixed-race compatriots into the fold, so to speak. I am more comfortable in claiming Bega - who was raised in Europe by his Sicilian mother (and Ugandan father) - as Italian than I am in defining Campanella by his Italian heritage. Campanella, given the social environment of his time, was clearly a part of black society. Yet I think that just as the Sicilian community is now counting Lou Bega as a member, perhaps too we can remember Roy Campanella in some sense as one of our own.

06
Feb

Traces of Africa: My Visit to Cartagena

In early 2003 I took a trip to the city of Cartagena, Colombia. During my stay there a friend wanted me to meet one of her former professors, but our plan was foiled by a strike going on at the university. I had to laugh at the incident; it reminded me of the many strikes I’d encountered on visits to Italy. (Strikes, soccer, beauty contests and tacky religious statues are among the things for which Italians and Colombians seem to share a passion.)

Cartagena, Colombia

I mentioned this to an Italian-Canadian friend at work. He however insisted the people of Colombia were “Indians.” I explained in response that while most Colombians have some Amerindian ancestry, native traditions have largely disappeared from that country. (In contrast, Indian culture is very much alive in other South American nations like Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador.) Furthermore, if there is any non-European influence at all in Cartagena, it is African, not Indian.

Cartagena lies on Colombia’s northern coast along the Caribbean Sea. A beautiful city with colonial architecture and lovely beaches, it draws thousands of tourists every year. When Spain ruled Colombia, Cartagena served as a gateway to the rest of South America.

In his autobiography Stranger in Their Midst, Belgian sociologist Pierre van den Berghe described Cartagena as “perhaps the most African city in the Spanish Americas.” The African presence was evident to me in the appearance of the city’s people, even though according to the Latin American color scheme most seemed to be mulatto rather than Black. This was quite different from Colombia’s capital Bogotá, where many people had Amerindian features. (A personal observation on the people of Cartagena: just as van den Berghe said in his autobiography that the Peruvian Andes were probably the only place on earth where he could reconcile himself with celibacy, my visit to Cartagena was the first time in a long while that I was tempted to alter my then-celibate status; the men there were almost uniformly handsome and charming.)

But Africa’s presence in Cartagena went far beyond the physical. It was apparent in the culture as well: the music, the dancing, and other things. For example, many women wore their hair in cornrows, a style of braiding that originated in Africa and is also common in some of the Caribbean islands. (By the way, you don’t have to be Black to wear cornrows; during my stay in Cartagena a very nice young girl put cornrows in my hair for a mere $20.) I also had the pleasure of listening to some very African-sounding music — with emphasis on the drums — and watching a dance, performed very skillfully by two little girls and a boy, that could have come straight out of Africa.

Though the African contribution to Latin American history and culture has often been overlooked, Blacks were present from the very beginning of Spain and Portugal’s conquest of the region. Several Blacks are believed to have accompanied Christopher Columbus on his voyages. Others played a role in helping the Spaniards establish settlements in the New World. In many cases, the first Blacks who went to the Americas had been born or had lived in Iberia (Spain and Portugal) and were more or less Westernized in terms of religion, language and culture. However, the vast majority of Blacks who came to Latin America did so as slaves transported directly from Africa. There in the New World they interbred with Whites: as in North America and the Caribbean, White male-Black female unions were a frequent combination, especially on slave plantations. Africans also formed relationships with Indians, producing a mixed group of people known as zambos. Many Black men were motivated to pair off with Indian women because the resulting children, unlike those of pure African descent, would not be born into slavery.

Given this history, it’s not surprising to find large groups of African-descended people (and by “African-descended” I mean anyone with Black ancestry, mulattoes and zambos as well) in various parts of Latin America. These include the northern coasts of Colombia and Venezuela; the western parts of Colombia, Peru and Ecuador; northeastern Brazil; Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic; and the Caribbean coast of Central America. In addition, individuals of African origin formed a large percentage of the populations of Uruguay and southern Brazil until the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when they were displaced by massive waves of immigrants from Europe.

Of course people of African descent also make up a considerable portion of the United States’ population. But the histories of Blacks in the US and Latin America diverge substantially in one respect. As Pierre van den Berghe explains in his book Race and Racism, while Blacks in the former basically lost their original culture, African customs still persist in the latter region. For instance, rituals from Africa play an important role in the Santeria and macumba sects of Cuba and Brazil, respectively. And I definitely saw traces of Africa on my visit to Cartagena.

All this being said, I still consider Cartagena (and Latin America in general) to be Western first and foremost. In going to Cartagena I had no feeling of entering non-Western territory as I did to some extent when I visited Cape Dorset in the Canadian Arctic. Cartagena in fact reminded me in many ways of Palermo, Sicily, also a port city. Still, if you want to enjoy the African experience in Latin America, Cartagena may be the place to go.

31
Jan

Suharto

Monday’s front page of the Toronto Star featured a black-and-white photograph of a man in a military cap. Underneath were the words “Suharto: 1921-2008.” The former Indonesian president died on Sunday at the age of 86 from multiple organ failure. As his health had been deteriorating for some time, there was talk of discontinuing his life support – a kidney dialysis machine and a ventilator – before he fell into a coma from which he never awoke. The “pull or not to pull” debate, however, paled in comparison to the controversies during his more than three decade-long rule of Indonesia and the following ten-year period.

SuhartoA general in the Indonesian army, Suharto (like many Indonesians he used only one name) took power in 1965 after conducting an anti-Communist purge and deposing then-president Sukarno. During his thirty-two-year leadership Suharto greatly industrialized the country and reduced its poverty. He gained the support of the United States, who saw his “New Order” administration as a bulwark against the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia. On the other hand, his regime was known for its corruption and brutality. Hundreds of thousands of people, mainly real or suspected Communists, were tortured by the police, kept in prison for long periods without trial, made to “disappear,” or killed outright. The Suharto administration’s invasion and annexation of West Papua (Irian Jaya) and East Timor (now an independent nation) and repression of the independence movement in the province of Aceh drew condemnation from international human rights organizations. Though Indonesia was the recipient of aid from the US and other Western countries, much of it went into the pockets of Suharto himself and his family members. There were discussions after his resignation in 1998 about prosecuting him for embezzlement, but he was never formally charged in a court of law.

Suharto was sometimes compared to a leader in a neighbouring country: Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos. Both were backed by the US government as anti-Communist fighters. The two men were famous as well for siphoning off foreign money destined for the public purse to their own personal coffers - even if Suharto’s wife lacked Imelda’s extensive footwear collection. Yet Suharto and Marcos differed in their ethnic policies. Both Indonesia and the Philippines have Chinese populations who are wealthier than average and who frequently raise the resentment of the native majority as a result. But whereas Marcos favoured the Philippine Chinese minority, Suharto launched an aggressive anti-Chinese program, even forbidding print material with Chinese characters (in his book Guns, Germs, and Steel, anthropologist Jared Diamond tells of going to a Chinese-run store in West Papua and seeing the owner quickly put away a Chinese newspaper at the sight of an Indonesian government agent entering the shop).

SuhartoSuharto’s treatment of different ethnic groups challenges the simplistic notion of a world made up of Whites on one hand and “people of colour” on the other. Ironically, this vision is shared by two factions who otherwise appear to have nothing in common: White Supremacists and leftists of all racial backgrounds. The latter tend to see non-Whites as victims of European colonialism - or American imperialism - and expect them to band together against the White oppressor. But this was hardly the case in East Timor, even if both that country and Indonesia at one time fell under European powers (Portugal and the Netherlands respectively). Though the West was rightly accused of turning a blind eye to Indonesia’s persecution of the Timorese people, the fact is that most of the human rights violations in Timor were committed not by Europeans or Americans but by Indonesians. East Timorese freedom fighter Constancio Pinto writes in his book East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance that while not perfect, Timor’s former Portuguese overlords were far more humane than the Indonesians who came after them. And contrary to White racists’ idea of a vast anti-White conspiracy by “hordes of colour,” Timorese activist Xanana Gusmao has actually expressed solidarity with the people of Poland and the Baltics – at whose struggles for independence White “progressives” have often scoffed. Nor within Indonesia itself did Suharto love his Chinese subjects as fellow Asians.

Suharto remains a controversial figure in death as in life. At his funeral humble farmers and housekeepers sang his praises. East Timorese president Jose Ramos-Horta urged his countrymen to let bygones be bygones. Yet one of Suharto’s own daughters asked God to forgive her father for any mistakes he had made. Searching under “Suharto” on the Internet one can find articles calling him a brutal dictator and others describing him as the man who revolutionized Indonesia. Perhaps there is truth to both.

22
Jan

Black-Focused Schools: Are they the Answer?

The subject of Black-focused schools has once again come into the limelight. The Toronto District School Board is presently debating the issue, with some individuals arguing for the idea and others against it. The purpose of these schools, say the former, is to help lower the high dropout rate among Black youths by providing them with an educational environment that emphasizes the history and culture of African and African-descended peoples, like the majority of inhabitants of the Caribbean region. Because the mainstream school system does not affirm Black students’ heritage, many of them feel alienated from and eventually abandon formal education. Opponents on the other hand call Black-focused schools a return to the “separate but equal” days of segregation. Others, such as the National Post, openly state that the causes of African-Canadian adolescents’ high dropout rate lie not in the school but in the home: fatherless families, teen pregnancy, and welfare dependency among other things.

Personally I find some of the arguments of both parties a little extreme. Case in point: the charge of “segregation.” Surely no African-Canadian student would be forced to go to a Black-focused school, and non-Blacks would be welcome to attend too, although it’s hard to imagine many White or Asian families choosing to send their children to a Black-focused school. Nonetheless, as much as the “con” side’s statements strike me as overly alarmist, those of the pros appear even more dubious in some respects. For example, while Canadian public schools are hardly “Asian-focused,” Chinese, Koreans and East Indians are along with Jews the highest-achieving students in them. So the lack of emphasis on their heritage cannot be the only reason for Black teens’ elevated rate of school abandonment.

Some say that Black-focused schools will give the impression that African-Canadian students can’t “make it” in the mainstream academic world. Again, this fear appears rather exaggerated. On the other hand, with celebrities like James Watson and Philippe Rushton claiming that Blacks are genetically inferior to Whites, perhaps the establishment of such schools might in the minds of some people reinforce the notion that Blacks need “special” classes the way children with Down syndrome do. I admit it would bother me if my sister enrolled her two sons – who are biracial; their father is African-American – in a Black-focused school. It might lead me to think she did not consider them “good enough” for the mainstream system (my nephews are A students, by the way).

With all my ambivalence about Black-focused schools, though, I do believe they may be worth a try if African-Canadian parents really want them. They might help at least some students improve their grades and stay in school. I also feel that mainstream schools should teach children of all ethnic backgrounds, including Whites, about non-European histories and cultures. But in the end Black-focused schools are not the most effective solution to African-Canadians’ high dropout rate.




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