Archive for February, 2008

29
Feb

Black Wall Street

The Greenwood neighbourhood, located near Tulsa, Oklahoma, stood out among black neighbourhoods in that it flourished during the oil boom of the 1910’s. Its economic success led to the nickname “Negro Wall Street” (later to be known as black wall street) and was home to several black millionaires. Black Wall Street was also home to one of America’s worst race riots in 1921, causing roughly 300 deaths (mostly black) and nearly $1.5 million in property damage.

Below are excerpts from various sources about the life and death of Black Wall Street.

Origins of Black Wall Street

Oklahoma’s first African-American settlers were Indian slaves of the so-called “Five Civilized Tribes”: Chickasaws, Choctaws, Cherokees, Creeks, and Seminoles. These tribes were forced to leave the Southeastern United States and resettle in Oklahoma in mid-winter over the infamous “Trail of Tears.” After the Civil War, U.S.-Indian treaties provided for slave liberation and land allotments ranging from 40-100 acres, which helps explain why over 6000 African-Americans lived in the Oklahoma territory by 1870. Oklahoma boasted of more All-Black towns and communities than any other state in the land, and these communities opened their arms to freed slaves from all across the country. Remarkably, at one time, there were over 30 African-American newspapers in Oklahoma.

Tulsa began as an outpost of the Creek Indians and as late as 1910, Walter White of the NAACP, described Tulsa as “the dead and hopeless home of 18,182 souls.” Suddenly, oil was discovered and Tulsa rapidly grew into a thriving, bustling, enormously wealthy town of 73,000 by 1920 with bank deposits totaling over $65 million. However, Tulsa was a “tale of two cities isolated and insular”, one Black and one White. Tulsa was so racist and segregated that it was the only city in America that boasted of segregated telephone booths.

-Vaughan, Leroy. Black People and Their Place in World History. 2002.

Success through Self-Reliance

Tulsa’s saga promotes the best in self-reliance and talent that black Americans have to offer. These were universal and successful themes that would apply later in all businesses, including the securities industry. Ironically, what drew the best out of these individuals was the harsh reality of segregation. Restricted form hair salons, supermarkets, restaurants and other white-owned business establishments, the black residents of Tulsa built their own. Other black communities spent their dollars at white businesses, despite being viewed as inferior. In contrast, the people of Tulsa realized the power of ownership. Because black shop-owners provided all the needed services to cater to the black community, all monies and investment stayed within the community and it blossomed. In that 35-block span, there were 1500 black-owned businesses and houses, including 10 millionaires and many families with substantial savings.

-Bell, Gregory S. In the Black: A History of African Americans on Wall Street. John Wiley and Sons, 2002.

The Riot

[The] Riot began on May, 31,1921 because of an incident the day before. A black man named Dick Rowland, stepped into an elevator in the Drexel Building operated by a woman named Sarah Page. Suddenly, a scream was heard and Rowland got nervous and ran out. Rowland was accused of a sexual attack against Page. One version of the incident holds that Rowland stepped on Page’s foot, throwing her off balance. When Rowland reached out to keep her from falling, she screamed. The next day, Rowland was arrested and held in the courthouse lockup. Headlines in the local newspapers inflamed public opinion and there was talk in the white community of lynch justice.

On June 1,1921, a big cloud of smoke covered The northern region of Tulsa. Later that morning, the last stand of the conflict occurred at foot of Standpipe Hill. According to the Tulsa Tribune, the National Guard mounted two machine guns and fired into the area. The black groups surrendered and were disarmed. They were taken in columns to Convention hall, the McNulty Baseball Park, the Fairgrounds and to a flying field. Some survivors later alleged that planes were involved in the destruction of Greenwood City.

The African Americans, being outnumbered, begin to retreat back to their section of town. Mobs of whites began to drive around the streets, shooting any African American person they saw. Sometime near 1am, the mayor and the chief of police sent a message to the governor, informing him that the riot was out of control and requested assistance. The governor activated the Oklahoma National Guard and requested two companies of soldiers from Fort Sill. The first group of guardsmen arrived before 2:30am. By 5am, a mob of 10,000-15,000 whites gathered near First St. and Elgin then marched on Greenwood, setting fire to every building standing.

-NorthTulsa.com, “Little Africa 1921 Aftermath”

Final Comments

Black Wall Street did rebuild after the riots and flourished a few more decades before fizzling out – due to both a mass exodus after integration during the 1960’s and to urban renewal projects during the 1970’s. The most important lesson from Black Wall Street is that a cohesive community can be self-sufficient (if not prosperous) even under severe discrimination. However, that cohesiveness must come from within – it cannot be granted by a government or made efficient by outside charity. Too often it seems that the community leaders who should be building Black Wall Streets (or at least building a black presence in local economies) are too concerned with being on the 6:00 news or shaking down the government for another handout disguised as a program. One does not learn by having everything done for him. There is more than enough opportunity to acquire capital within the black community to transform a “disadvantaged” community like Rexdale or Flemingdon Park into a mini Black Wall Street – someone just needs to convince the local community that the cheap credit and social incentives available today would be better utilized for businesses and schools than bling and protests. It’s almost literally mind over matter.

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29
Feb

Book Review: Showing our Colors

One of the first challenges to the idea of black intellectual inferiority came from a German study. Authored by psychologist Klaus Eyferth and published in the 1959 edition of the journal Vita Humana (now Human Development), the study compared the intelligence of two groups of children born in Germany to local women and American soldiers. The first group, however, was sired by white GIs, while the second had black fathers. If the former children proved to be more intelligent than the latter, then white supremacists could make the argument that blacks were indeed genetically inferior to whites, at least in terms of intellectual ability. But no such luck: the two groups’ test scores were indistinguishable. The study was, as expected, vilified by proponents of racial inequality (prompting one commentator to note that left wingers were not the only ones to dislike race research), but it was accepted by the scientific community and, more importantly, replicated by other researchers who reached the same conclusions.

I first read of this study in my first-year psychology class. The existence of a black community in Germany was news to me. But I soon learned that the offspring of black GIs were not the only people of mixed African descent in that country. Germany at one time possessed a number of colonies in Africa, including modern-day Tanzania, Cameroon, Togo and Namibia. Some natives of those places immigrated to Germany, where they established relationships with the locals and produced mixed-race children. In addition, biracial children were born to Germans and immigrants from African countries never under Germany’s control. Until recently, though, I had never come across any first-hand accounts by mixed-race Germans themselves. That is, until I discovered Showing Our Colors: Afro-German Women Speak Out at a small Toronto bookstore.

Showing Our Colors is edited by three women: May Opitz, an Afro-German speech therapist and poet; Katharina Oguntoye, a feminist historian of German and Nigerian background, and Dagmar Schultz, a white woman and publishing house editor. Translated from the German Farbe bekennen, the book contains a history of German imperialism in Africa and of blacks (and mixed-race people) in Germany as well as their portrayal by white society. The English version includes a foreword by the late poet Audre Lorde, who met a number of Afro-German women during a stay in Berlin. The book’s principal attraction, however, lies in the first-hand accounts by fourteen women of mixed black and German descent.

As the editors state in the introduction, the contributors have little in common besides their blackness. The women differ in their sexual orientation (most are heterosexual, but a few are lesbians), educational and professional experience, country of residence (at the time of the book’s publication, what is now Germany consisted of two nations, east and west), and connection with their black heritage. They also trace their ancestry to different sources. Some have a parent directly from Africa, whereas others were born to black Americans, usually GIs. In general, the women with African-born parents have had more contact with their black relatives than did the daughters of African Americans. In addition, almost all the contributors have black fathers and white mothers, except for a seventeen-year-old woman with an Afro-German mother and Italian father and the twenty-three-year-old daughter of an Afro-German woman and Ghanaian man.

Few of the women profiled in Showing Our Colors claim an exclusively black identity. Perhaps because they live in Germany, speak German as their first language, and in some cases have had little contact with other blacks, even their own family members, the women largely identify as German or, at most, as mulatto. One woman, for instance, who was raised by a white single mother, begins her account with “I’m German, and I’m dark.” According to a forty-two-year-old nurse, people who tell her she is lucky to live in Germany do not understand that “I’m German and don’t belong anywhere else.”

The contributors’ tendency to identify more with their German than black side in some instances stems from their inability to integrate into a black community. While they rarely faced rejection or discrimination from blacks as they sometimes did from their fellow Germans (on the contrary, one contributor states that her African boyfriend’s family put her on a pedestal because of what they perceived as her “whiteness”), they often felt that they could never become part of black society. In the case of those who traced their descent directly to Africa, sometimes cultural barriers were too great an obstacle to overcome. One woman, for example, became distressed at what she saw as women’s subservient role in her father’s native Ethiopia. The woman whose boyfriend’s family idolized her supposed whiteness explains that when she was called “white lady” at a beach in Liberia, she realized that in Africa she would always be considered an “other,” even if a privileged “other.” She decided that Germany was her home after all.

Showing Our Colors does not address the question of race mixing per se but rather the lives of African-descended individuals in what was until recently a fairly monoracial country. Nonetheless, given that all the women featured here are in fact biracial, they offer a number of insights into the mixed race experience. One of the first contributors, a sixty-seven-year-old woman who lived through the Third Reich and narrowly escaped sterilization (a procedure mandated by the Nazis for non-“Aryans”), says that when asked once whether she minded being a mulatto, she replied, “No… what I have already experienced because of my background you will never experience in your entire life.” Another woman, forty at the time, tells of having reconciled herself to the “white part of me.” A couple of the younger contributors, though, speak of feeling alienated from both sides of their heritage at some point in their lives. For example, at a younger age one woman “hated mixed marriages, since we children have to live our lives always between two stools.” Another was disappointed that her physical features were not “black” enough.

The contributors not only faced the issue of race mixing in the context of their family background but in their own marriages and sexual relationships. The first woman profiled, the sixty-seven-year-old Third Reich survivor, married a white man. Many of her friends could not understand how she could do so in light of the oppression she and her family had experienced from white society. She always answered that she had no objection to marrying a white man provided he was a “decent person.” She describes herself and her husband as “happy grandparents” whose lives do not differ fundamentally from their contemporaries. Some of the younger women are less sanguine about their relationships with white men. The forty-two-year-old nurse, for example, considers some white men “racist exploiters” and recounts having left a white boyfriend herself after he told her “A model or stewardess I can have any time, but not a Black woman.” She and several other contributors imply that some of their white lovers were interested in them not as individuals but as members of the black race.

Other women formed relationships with black rather than white men (as well, one contributor had a brief affair with a black GI but later married a white German). Sometimes circumstance rather than race was the major factor in their choice of partner. The older sister of the sixty-seven-year-old Third Reich survivor, for instance, married a countryman of her father, but rejection of white men did not seem to play a part in her decision. Some contributors admit to other reasons for preferring black over white men. A young woman abandoned by her American soldier father and raised by her white mother says that for many Afro-German women the “search for a father and the search for Black men often converged.” With regard to herself, she adds that “I never wanted a white boyfriend; blackness and being a man went together… once I realized that, I wanted to get to know my father.”

Some women profiled say that their white mothers, or mother substitutes, did not know how to deal with the racism their daughters faced in white society. For example, one woman describes how her mother refused to discuss problems like racism with her and thus failed to prepare her for the outside world. Another contributor who lived with her African father and his Jewish wife states that her stepmother, having lived as a Jew in the Nazi era, had adopted an attitude of “whatever you do, don’t be conspicuous” and was not willing to “go to bat” for her stepdaughter. On the other hand, the father would not let anyone get away with mistreating his daughter.

The contributors to express differing opinions on various issues. One example has to do with the role of blacks in German films. After Germany’s loss of its African colonies, coupled with its defeat in World War II, German filmmakers tried to re-ignite the spark of national pride by making movies that portrayed the country’s glory days as a colonial power. Many Africans and Afro-Germans were hired as actors and extras on the sets. The two sisters who lived through the Nazi era speak fondly of their small parts in these movies, noting that they had the opportunity to meet other people of African descent as well as earn extra money. The forty-two-year-old nurse, on the other hand, who herself acted on stage as a child, is more critical of the roles offered to Africans in the cinema and theatre. In her view, “the movie scene was not all that nice… either you play the naked wild man or woman, or servants’ roles.”

Some of the limitations of Showing Our Colors? The book primarily profiles the daughters of black fathers and white mothers. It might be interesting to see whether the lives of children born to white fathers and black mothers differed in any way from that of the present contributors. The editors can hardly be faulted for the omission: though many German colonizers in Africa sired offspring by local women, most of these children remained with their mothers and never went to Germany.

Showing Our Colors’ strength lies in its first-hand presentation of the lives of biracial individuals in a largely monoracial European country. Of course the experience of these women might not be identical to that of mixed race women in a multiracial society such as the United States. But Showing Our Colors is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand the multiracial experience in Europe.

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26
Feb

Evolution of the Lovable Cartoon Coon

(it’s still black history month and not all of it is necessarily positive … or history for that matter)

1867 – The Music-Loving Simpletons (Harpers Weekly)

Harper’s Weekly Black Stereotypical Cartoon

Two ignorant, music-lovin Negroes speaking a nearly indecipherable dialect. Harmless and lovable (except around your daughter). This image was adapted for later media productions like Disney’s “Song of the South”.

Early 20th Century – The Golliwog

Golliwog

Inspired by a childhood minstrel rag doll, author Florence Kate Upton created the fictional character Golliwog. In her words, Golliwog was “a horrid sight, the blackest gnome”. Golli would later have his name and image attributed to jams, cigarettes, perfume, jewelry and badges portraying the playing of jazz music. Golli generally had positive interactions with the people around him, but damned if he didn’t look spooky. Most manufacturers that once used the Golliwog image have since changed it or deny any racial implications.

2008 – The Africentric Teacher (via Globe and Mail)

Globe and Mail Cartoon about Africentric Teachers

Cute – look at that African guy wearing a tie. Using his “hip” street savvy he’s going to put y-y-you on the fast path to counting dem crack rocks even faster. Out the way before he bisects that angle, biiiotch!

*cough*

We can let the full-time activists take care of the protests – I’ll be content to point out the “Mop and Pail” has probably done more to boost the Africentric schooling cause than any of its strongest activists ever could. Reducing black teachers to a crude hip-hop stereotype is only going to heighten suspicion and distrust among the many blacks sitting on the fence about this issue. If the alternative to Africentric schooling is in fact sending black kids to a bunch of white adults with the mindset of this cartoonist … well then quite a few children will be learning their math by counting pieces of Kinte cloth.

Most affected by this small-minded attack will be that small number of non-blacks who are opposing these schools on non-malicious grounds. Trustee Josh Matlow falls in this category, as does my colleague Sandy at Crux of the Matter. It’s going to be extremely hard for either of them to make a reasonable argument against race-based schooling without those points inevitably being lumped in with this garbage.

Even the National Post seemed above taking this type of shot.

Other Comments:

“I will make sure that they get to the right people. I don’t know who drew this cartoon. If it was an African, that makes it sadder than ever. But more importantly, we have to make sure our children know their history and know that we have a lot more going for us than ‘Sup Dog. Ridiculous! And don’t talk to me about having a sense of humour. When it comes to putting Black people down and trying to make us look stupid, the history is just too fresh.”
-Nicole Osbourne James @ AfroToronto

“This issue is not at all similar to the ‘ebonics’ debate sparked in the U.S. Instead, supporters of “Black schools” are attempting to address real educational issues, some of which are akin to those found in gender-based schools. Whether or not “Black schools” are the answer, this debate deserves the respect of thoughtful discussion; not glib, insensitive and dare I say racist commentary.”
-Jason Robinson @ aka Activist

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17
Feb

The African Kingdoms of Nubia

The land of Nubia was located in what is now Sudan and lower Egypt. Home to what is considered to be the earliest black culture, Nubia’s waves of Central African and Asiatic inhabitants managed to transform a land notorious for its high temperatures and infrequent rainfall into a series of kingdoms that influenced, occasionally conquered and inevitably outlasted their more famous Egyptian neighbours. Nubian achievements include the world’s first Archaeoastronomy devices, conceived approximately a millennium before Stonehenge.

Below are excerpts from various historical and archeological sources that describe the progression of the Nubians from the initial organization of the “A-Group” settlers to the end of Christian domination around 1400AD. The reader is encouraged to follow the embedded links to find more information.

A-Group

A-Group is the designation for a distinct culture that arose between the First and Second Cataracts of the Nile in Nubia between the Egyptian 1st dynasty and the 3rd millennium BC. The A-Group settled on very poor land with scarce natural resources, yet they became the first Nubians to develop agriculture. This culture was one of the two important “kingdoms” in Lower Nubia. Artifacts from this culture were discovered in 1907 by Egyptologist George A. Reisner.

A-Group royal tombs were found to be two centuries older than those of the Egyptians. It is believed that the Egyptians developed their grave site customs for honoring pharaohs from Central Africa. The A-Group had strong beliefs in the afterlife. A great deal of time was put into their cemeteries and funerals.

-“A Group”. Wikipedia

C-Group

The so-called C-Group appeared in Lower Nubia about 400 years later and persisted from about 2500 to 1500BC. They likely like their cultural origins in Upper Nubia, and many of the artifacts that they left are quite different from those of their A-Group predecessors in the area. The C-Groupers traded with the Egyptians, but the Egyptians themselves wanted to exert more control over their southern neighbours. During the Middle Kingdon, they built forts near the second cataract of the Nile. During Dynasty 13, Egypt lost control of Nubia, and Nubians occupied the Egyptian formts. And toward the end of Dynasty 17, the rulers of Nubia and Hyksos rulers were treating each other as equals.

-Ryan, Donald P. The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Egypt. Penguin Group (USA), 2002. ISBN 0028642775

Kerma Culture

The Kerma culture, called Kush or Kushite by the Egyptians, was the first Nubian state, situated between the fourth and fifth cataracts of the Nile River in what is now the Sudan, between 2500 and 1500 BC. Early Kerma society was agricultural in nature and had round hut dwellings with distinctive circular tombs; later Kerma developed into a foreign trade-based society with mud-brick architecture, dealing in ivory, diorate, and gold.

-Hirst, Kris K. “Kerma Culture”. About.com: Archeology

Known as the “Land of the Yam” to the Egyptians, Kerma lay in a well-watered basin where Ethiopian nutrients desposited by the Nile supported the agricultural resources of the kingdom. They were rich in cattle for domestic use, sacrifice, and exported large numbers to Egypt. Prosperous and powerful, the kings of Kerma built a sprawling city with a white temple (deffufa) fortified by mud-brick walls and rectangular towers astride the ancient routes of trade from south to north and east to west. Their craftsmen produced exquisite black-topped pottery. The indigenous burials of their kings pre-date any Egyptian influence and were accompanied by ritual human and animal sacrifice. One Kerma royal turmulus records the slaughter of 4,00 cattle for the deceased.

-Burns, James McDonald. Africa, Sub-Saharan History. Cambridge University Press (United Kingdom), 2007. ISBN 0521867460.

At one point, Kerma came very close to conquering Egypt, with Egypt suffering a “humiliating defeat” by the hands of the Kushites. According to [the] head of the joint British Museum and Egyptian archaeological team, the attack was so devastating that, had the Kerma forces chosen to stay and occupy Egypt, they might have eliminated it for good and brought the great nation to extinction.

-“Nubia”. Wikipedia

Egyptian Domination

Egypt dominated parts of Nubia from about 1950 to 1000 BC. Forts, trading posts and Egyptian style temples were built in Kush, and the Nubian elite adopted the worship of Egyptian gods and even the Egyptian hieroglyphic writing system. The gold, ebony and ivory of Nubia contributed to the material wealth of Egypt, and many of the famed treasures of the Egyptian kings were made of products from Nubia.

The one factor that chiefly characterized Egypt’s relationship with Nubia through most of their history was exploitation. Nubia’s most important resource for Egypt was precious metal, including gold and electrum.

Nubia was also an important source of manpower and labor for the Egyptians. The Palermo Stone records that early in the 4th Dynasty, King Snefru led a military campaign into Nubia reputedly to crush a “revolt” there (the Egyptians considered all enemies, whether foreign or domestic, as “rebels” against the natural order). According to that text, he captured 200,000 head of cattle and 7,000 prisoners, all of whom were deported to Egypt as laborers on royal building projects.

-“Nubia History”. TourEgypt.net.

Napatan, Meroitic and Ballana Periods

The Napatan Period (about 700 – 300 BC) is named after the town Napata, where an Amun temple was built and where the kings were buried in small pyramids (the cemeteries are located not far at Nuri and el Kurru). Napata was the religious centre of the country.

In the visible record Napatan culture seems heavily influenced by the Egyptians. The kings were buried in small pyramids, with an Egyptian style funerary equipment (shabtis, sarcophagi with religious texts, canopic jars, funerary stelae). The Egyptian hieroglyphic script was used. The exact order of most kings of the Napatan period is still under discussion. There is a group of well attested rulers dating shortly after the the end of Napatan control of Egypt (for example: Senkamanisken and Aspelta). Some kings dating to about the 4th century BC are again well-known from long monumental inscriptions (Arikamaninote, Harsiotef).

-“Nubia: The Napatan Period”. Digital Egypt for Universities.

By 200 BC the capital had shifted yet farther south to Meroe, where the kings continued to be buried in pyramid tombs and to build temples to Nubian and Egyptian gods in a hybrid Egyptian Roman-African style. Roman historians record the skirmishes and treaties which marked the relation ship of Roman Egypt and Nubia.

By AD 250 the culture of Nubia changed radically, perhaps due to the immigration of new peoples into the Nile Valley. Pyramid tombs were replaced by the great tumulus burials of the kings of Ballana.

-“Nubia History”. TourEgypt.net.

Christian Period

Nubian Christianity developed in great isolation. Between 639 and 641, the Arabs conquered Egypt, and, from then on, Coptic Christians there were a diminishing minority in a country under Muslim rule. Despite this isolation, Nubian Christianity was to survive and, indeed, flourish for centuries.

Culturally, its Christianity was greatly influenced by Byzantium. The Nubians used the liturgy of St. Mark, and decorated the walls of their churches with murals that showed their royals dressed in Byzantine style. In 1961, Polish archaeologists excavated what appeared to be a mound of sand, and, within it, found Faras Cathedral, its walls decorated with 169 magnificent paintings of dark-skinned Nubian kings, queens and bishops, and biblical figures and saints.

The decline of Christianity in Nubia seems to have been mainly cased by a gradual process of Arab Muslim immigration. As time went on, the Nubian population became increasingly dominated by Arabs or Arabized Nubians. In 1315, the Muslim government of Egypt imposed a Nubian Muslim as the king of Makouria, and, in 1317, Dongola Cathedral officially became a mosque. However, the tiny Christian splinter kingdom of Dotawo survived in lower Nubia until the late 15th century.

-Isichei, Elizabath. A History of Christianity in Africa. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1995. ISBN 0802808433.

The Black Pharaohs

The February 2008 edition of National Geographic has an interesting article on the Black Pharaohs of Egypt. Author Robert Draper describes the invasion and control of Egypt by the Nubians under Piye, who considered himself the true ruler of Egypt. It is recommended for reading by all (as are most National Geographic articles).

National Geographic - February 2008.

Read: “The Black Pharaohs”

 

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12
Feb

Africville

Africville is Canada’s most famous black settlement, representing both the initial attempts by free blacks at creating a regular society and Canada’s attitudes toward non-white settlers before the entrenchment of Multiculturalism.

Origins

Nova Scotia was at one time a “slave society” Although lack of agricultural potential in the uneven an rocky terrain of Nova Scotia prevented slavery from developing on a plantation scale, the number of slaves in Nova Scotia was substantial.

Free Loyalist Blacks Most of the blacks migrating to Nova Scotia after the American Revolution were free, for the most part having been freed by the British as an inducement to encourage them to leave their revolutionary masters. Free Blacks were promised equal treatment with their white peers, but promises were not fulfilled. In order to survive, a number of blacks were forced to sell themselves or their children into slavery or long-term indenture. In 1792 an agent of the Sierra Leone Company recruited blacks in the province to migrate to Africa. Additional migrations took place, in 1800 to Sierra Leone and in 1821 to Trinidad

Refugee Blacks Following the War of 1812, Nova Scotia became home to Black refugees. Several hundred Blacks had sought protection with the British during the war after the commander of the British fleet issued a proclamation which said that all British subjects who came to a British ship or a British military post would be granted free transportation to another British possession in North America or the West Indies. There they were to be treated as free settlers. In this way between 2000 and 3000 blacks streamed into the province by 1815.

-Brown, Angela. “Africville: Urban Removal in Canada”. December 1996.

Life in Africville

The church was always a focal part of the settlement. In 1885, the Baptist church changed its name from Campbell Road to Africville, and later to the Seaview African United Baptist Church. Social life revolved around the church and the Sunrise Service on Easter Sunday in particular was known to continue from 5:00 AM until at least 3:00 PM.

Land in Africville was not suitable for farming, but some people kept pigs and grew vegetables. People were generally not financially prosperous due to scarce jobs and societal racism. The population remained small as many residents moved in an attempt to better their position.

Although the residents of Africville paid taxes, the city of Halifax did not provide basic services such as running water, sewage, or paved roads. Still, the community survived with its own school, church, and post office. For generations, children had a place to play, families were close-knit, and there was music.

-Multicultural Trails of Nova Scotia – “Africville”

The Dismantling

Due to an informal system of handing down properties and housing within families and between in–laws over the years, many residents were unable to prove legal title to their land; thus, they had little recourse when faced wi th the proposition to sell or be evicted due to historical, social, and economic conditions, residents had no formal community leadership that would be seen as legitimate political representation and little access to legal and bureaucratic bargaining tools of the municipality. Most were forced to accept the city’s small compensation, or settle for low prices offered for homes they had not been permitted to maintain and improve, located in what was defined as “the slum by the garbage dump.” In a seeming mockery, when moving companies refused to be hired, city garbage trucks, which had never serviced Africvlle, were sent to carry away the residents belongings.

-Alternative Canadian Heritage Moments – “Africville”

Aftermath

When dump trucks roared in to ship Africville residents out, it seemed like a good idea. By the 1960s, years of neglect and racism had made Halifax’s oldest and largest black neighbourhood one of the worst slums in the country. But the relocation of Africville also meant the end of a vibrant community. As one former resident put it, they lost more than a roof over their heads, they lost their happiness.

-CBC Archives: “Africville: Expropriating Nova Scotia’s Blacks”

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11
Feb

Colliding Freedoms: The Adhan in Oxford

The city of Oxford, England is currently embroiled in a controversy. The question: should the muezzin (sort of Muslim equivalent of a Christian sexton) of a local mosque be permitted to broadcast the Adhan (Islamic call to prayer) three times daily over a loudspeaker? The debate has heated up in the United Kingdom itself and abroad. In the minds of some individuals, the public call to prayer is part of Muslims’ freedom of worship. Others – including one Jewish columnist – claim instead that it amounts to an unacceptable imposition on Britain’s majority Christian culture. The matter is now before Oxford’s City Council.

I would probably oppose the Adhan on purely aesthetic grounds. Loud, overpowering human voices bother me. This has nothing to do with Islam per se: as a practising Christian I find street corner evangelists shouting “Repent and be saved” at the top of their lungs equally irritating. The difference is that beyond some one hundred metres the sound of street preachers tends to fade into nothingness, whereas the voice of a muezzin on an amplifier would be heard over a much wider radius, including areas like residential neighbourhoods where Christian preachers generally do not operate.

People on both sides of the issue have compared the muezzin’s call to the chiming of Christian church bells. Though this may be a matter of personal taste, I don’t find church bells particularly intrusive. In fact, in downtown Toronto the bells from the nearby cathedrals often play some rather pretty tunes, in my opinion. Of course over my nearly forty years in Canada I’ve become attuned to the sound of such chimes; perhaps I might regard them as mere noise pollution if I were moving here from a non-Christian majority country.

The argument that the Adhan should not be allowed because Britain is a “Christian” country strikes me as less convincing. True, the UK is a Christian nation in that the bulk of its inhabitants identify at least nominally with Christianity, albeit with different denominations. Britain has a state religion, the Church of England (Anglican). However, freedom of worship is guaranteed by British law, and in this respect Anglicans and Christians in general enjoy no advantage over followers of other faiths. It also seems somewhat ironic that some commentators speak of Muslims “imposing” themselves on Britain when as a former colonial power that nation did not hesitate to foist its customs on the peoples it conquered. (Here I’m not singling out Britain; most other Western European countries, such as my father’s native Italy, have a history of colonialism as well.)

On the other hand, freedom of religion has its limits; it cannot infringe on the rights of others. Courts in the United States, for instance, have on occasion stepped in when Christian Scientists have attempted to deny their children medical care on religious grounds. The situation in Oxford is not quite as dramatic, but it might be argued that if the muezzin’s call is overly loud and disturbs residents’ right to peace and quiet, it should not be permitted. Hopefully the City Council of Oxford, in consultation with the citizens, will make a good decision.

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08
Feb

Roy Campanella

Roy CampanellaOne of the more famous figures of American sports history was Roy Campanella. “Campy,” as he was known, served as catcher for the Brooklyn Dodgers from 1948 to 1957. He also boasted an impressive batting average. But his spectacular career as a baseball player was cut short in 1958 when a car accident left him permanently paralyzed. However, Campanella later returned to the Dodgers – who had since relocated to Los Angeles – as a coach. A picture of him in 1980 shows him seated in a wheelchair instructing the team’s rookie catchers. Roy Campanella died in 1993 at the age of seventy-one.
During the lifetime Roy Campanella wore many hats: as a baseball player, liquor store owner, coach, and disabled person who succeeded despite the odds. My interest in Campanella, however, lies in another aspect of the man: his biracial heritage and specifically his Italian ancestry. While Campanella’s mother was black, his father, a fruit vendor in Philadelphia, hailed from Sicily, an island off the south of Italy. I remember when I saw a picture of Roy Campanella my first thought was “He looks so Italian!” He had tightly curled hair and dark skin, but his facial features were, in my opinion, very Italian. He would not have looked out of place in Palermo (my father’s birthplace) or Rome.

Before I go on, I want to dispel any suspicion that I am trying to “steal” Roy Campanella from the black community the way some white supremacists have sought to attribute Martin Luther King’s success to his partial Caucasian ancestry (one such supremacist called King an “intelligent mulatto”). For example, Campanella began his baseball career in what were then known as the Negro Leagues; at the time, blacks and whites could not play on the same team. Given the so-called “one-drop rule,” American society undoubtedly considered Campanella black.

Another thing that placed Campanella in the black rather than Italian world may have been the fact his mother, not father, was black. In the book The Color Complex, authors Kathy Russell, Midge Wilson and Ronald Hall state that ethnic culture is generally transmitted through mothers rather than fathers. As a child, Campanella attended a black Baptist church with his mother, even though his father was a Roman Catholic.
Nonetheless, Campanella did not deny his Italian heritage, and he often acknowledged it with his characteristic quick wit. When spectators at a game once called him a “nigger,” he replied, “Hey, you know I’m a dago too.” I admit a certain pride in knowing that “Campy,” one of the greatest baseball players of all time, was in a way “one of my own.”

On the Internet there is a site dedicated to famous Sicilians (www.sicilianculture.com). Among the celebrities profiled is singer Lou Bega (best known for the 1999 hit “Mambo No. Five”), who like Campanella is of mixed black and Italian descent. It pleased me to see that at least some Sicilians are welcoming their mixed-race compatriots into the fold, so to speak. I am more comfortable in claiming Bega – who was raised in Europe by his Sicilian mother (and Ugandan father) – as Italian than I am in defining Campanella by his Italian heritage. Campanella, given the social environment of his time, was clearly a part of black society. Yet I think that just as the Sicilian community is now counting Lou Bega as a member, perhaps too we can remember Roy Campanella in some sense as one of our own.

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